I.
Economy: From Recovery to Dominance |
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A. |
Engines of Economic Growth |
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1. |
By
the end of 1945, war-induced prosperity had made the
United States
the richest country
in the world, a preeminence that would continue unchallenged for twenty years. |
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2. |
American economic leadership abroad translated into affluence at home; domestic
prosperity benefited a wider segment of society than anyone had thought
possible in the dark days of the Great Depression. |
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3. |
A
meeting in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, established
the U.S. dollar as the capitalist world’s principal reserve currency and
resulted in the creation of two global institutions—the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development (World Bank) and the International Monetary Fund
(IMF). |
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4. |
The
World Bank provided private loans for the reconstruction of war-torn Europe as
well as for the development of
Third World
countries, and the IMF was designed to stabilize the value of currencies,
thereby helping to guide the world economy after the war. |
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5. |
A
second linchpin of postwar prosperity was defense spending. The
military-industrial complex that President Eisenhower identified in his 1961
Farewell Address had its roots in the business-government partnerships of the
world wars. But unlike after World War I, the massive commitment of government
dollars for defense continued after 1945. |
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6. |
As
permanent mobilization took hold, science, industry, and the federal government
became increasingly intertwined. According to the National Science Foundation,
federal money underwrote 90 percent of the cost of research on aviation and
space, 65 percent of that on electricity and electronics, 42 percent of that on
scientific instruments, and 24 percent of that on automobiles. |
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7. |
In
response to the Soviet Union launching Sputnik in 1957, the
United States
accelerated its focus on the Cold War space-race. Eisenhower funneled millions
of dollars into new college scholarships and university research in science and
technology. |
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8. |
By
the early 1960s, perhaps one in seven Americans owed his or her job to the
military-industrial complex. But increased military spending also limited the
resources for domestic social needs. |
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9. |
For
more than half a century, American enterprise had favored the consolidation of
economic power into big corporate firms. That tendency continued as domestic
and world markets increasingly overlapped after 1945. |
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10. |
To
staff their bureaucracies, the postwar corporate giants required a huge
white-collar army. A new generation of corporate chieftains emerged, operating
in a complex environment that demanded long-range forecasting. |
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11. |
In The
Lonely Crowd (1950), the sociologist David Riesman contrasted the
independent businessmen and professionals of earlier years with the managerial
class of the postwar world. He concluded that the new corporate men were
“other-directed,” more attuned to their associates than driven by their own
goals. |
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12. |
From 1947–1975, worker productivity
more than doubled across the whole of the economy. As industries mechanized,
they could suddenly turn out products more efficiently and at lower cost. But
millions of high-wage manufacturing jobs were lost as machines replaced
workers. |
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13. |
America’s annual
GDP jumped from $213 billion in 1945 to more than
$500 billion in 1960; by 1970, it exceeded $1 trillion. This sustained growth
provided a 25 percent rise in real income for ordinary Americans between 1946
and 1959. |
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14. |
Americans at the bottom of society,
however, struggled to survive. In The
Affluent Society (1958), John Kenneth Galbraith argued that the poor were
only an “afterthought” in the minds of politicians. He noted that one in
thirteen families earned less than $1,000 a year. In The Other America, Michael Harrington chronicled the struggles of
the poorest Americans. |
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B. |
A Nation of Consumers |
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1. |
The most
breathtaking development in the postwar American economy was the dramatic
expansion of the domestic consumer market. The sheer quantity of consumer goods
available to the average person was without precedent. |
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2. |
The new ethic of consumption appealed
to the postwar middle class. Middle-class status was more accessible than ever
before because of the Serviceman’s Readjustment Act of 1944, popularly known as
the GI Bill. By 1955, over 2 million veterans had attended college, and another
5.6 million had attended trade school with government financing. Home ownership
also increased under its auspices. |
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3. |
For
blue-collar workers, collective bargaining after World War II became for the
first time the normal means for determining how their labor would be rewarded. |
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4. |
General Motors implacably resisted labor attacks against the rights of
management. The company took a 113-day strike, rebuffed the government’s
intervention, and soundly defeated the United Auto Workers (UAW) union. Having
made its point, General Motors laid out the terms for a durable relationship.
It would accept the UAW as its bargaining partner and guarantee GM workers an
ever higher living standard. |
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5. |
The
price was that the UAW abandoned its assault on the company’s “right to
manage.” On signing the five-year GM contract of 1950—the Treaty of Detroit, it
was called—Walter Reuther, leader of the UAW, accepted the company’s terms. |
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6. |
Though impressive, the labor-management accord was never as durable as it seemed.
Vulnerabilities lurked, even in the accord’s heyday. For one thing, the
sheltered markets—the essential condition—were in fact quite fragile. |
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7. |
The
postwar labor-management accord, it turns out, was a transitory event, not a
permanent condition of American economic life. And, in a larger sense, that was
true of the postwar boom. It was a transitory event, not a permanent condition. |
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8. |
Increased educational levels, growing
home ownership, and higher wages all enabled more Americans than ever to become
consumers. In the emerging suburban nation, three elements came together to
create patterns of consumption that would endure for decades: houses, cars, and
children. |
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9. |
Television’s
leap to cultural prominence was swift and overpowering. There were only 7,000 television
sets in American homes in 1947, but a year later the CBS and NBC radio networks
began offering regular programming, and by 1950 Americans owned 7.3 million television
sets. Ten years later, 87 percent of American homes had at least one television
set. |
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10. |
What Americans saw on television, besides the omnipresent commercials, was an
overwhelmingly white, Anglo-Saxon world of nuclear families, suburban homes,
and middle-class life. |
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C. |
Religion and the Middle Class |
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1. |
In
an age of anxiety, Americans yearned for a reaffirmation of faith. Church
membership jumped from 49 percent of the population in 1940 to 70 percent in
1960. People flocked especially into the evangelical Protestant denominations,
which benefited from a remarkable new crop of preachers. Most notable was the
young Reverend Billy Graham, who made brilliant use of television, radio, and
advertising to spread the Gospel. |
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2. |
The
resurgence of religion, despite its evangelical bent, had a distinctly moderate
tone. An ecumenical movement bringing Catholics, Protestants, and Jews together
flourished, and so did a concern for the here and now. |
II. A Suburban Nation |
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A. |
The Postwar Housing Boom |
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1. |
Americans began to leave older cities in the North and
Midwest
for newer ones in the South and West; there was also a major shift from the city
to suburbs. |
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2. |
Both
processes were stimulated by the dramatic growth of a car culture and the
federal government’s support of housing and highway initiatives. |
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3. |
By
1960, one-third of Americans lived in suburbs; because few new dwellings had
been built during the depression or war years, the country faced a housing
shortage. But by 1960, the nation had added 25 percent of new housing stock
since 1950. |
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4. |
Arthur Levitt applied mass-production techniques to home construction; other
developers followed suit in subdivisions all over the country, hastening the
exodus from farms and cities. |
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5. |
Many
homes were financed with mortgages from the Federal Housing Administration
(FHA) and the Veterans Administration at rates dramatically lower than those
offered by private lenders, demonstrating the way the federal government was
entering and influencing daily life. |
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6. |
New
suburban homes, as well as their funding, were reserved mostly for whites; some
homeowners had to sign a restrictive
covenant prohibiting occupation in the development by blacks,
Asians, or Jews. |
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7. |
Although Shelley v. Kraemer (1948) ruled that restrictive covenants were
illegal, the practice continued until the civil rights laws of the 1960s banned
private discrimination. |
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8. |
Highways
were funded by federal government programs such as the National Interstate and
Defense Highway Act of 1956; air pollution and traffic jams soon became
problems in cities. |
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9. |
As Americans began to drive to suburban shopping malls and supermarkets,
downtown retail economy dried up, helping to precipitate the decay of the
central cities. |
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B. |
Rise of the
Sunbelt |
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1. |
New
growth patterns were most striking in the South and West,
where inexpensive land, unorganized labor, low taxes, and warm climates
beckoned;
California grew the most rapidly,
containing one-tenth of the nation’s population by 1970, surpassing
New York as the most
populous state. |
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2. |
A
distinctive feature of
Sunbelt suburbanization
was its close relationship to the military-industrial complex. Military bases
proliferated in the South and Southwest in the postwar decades, especially in
Florida,
Texas, and
California. |
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C. |
Two Nations: Urban and Suburban |
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1. |
Between 1950 and 1960, the nation’s twelve largest cities lost 3.6 million
whites and gained 4.5 million nonwhites. |
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2. |
As
affluent whites left the cities, urban tax revenues shrank, leading to the
decay of services and infrastructure; growing racial fears accelerated “white
flight” to the suburbs in the 1960s. |
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3. |
In
the inner cities, housing continued to be a crucial problem; urban renewal
produced grim high-rise housing projects that destroyed community bonds and
created anonymous open areas that were vulnerable to crime. |
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4. |
Postwar urban areas increasingly became places of last resort for
America’s poor;
once there, they faced unemployment, racial hostilities, and institutional
barriers to mobility. |
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5. |
Two
separate
Americas
emerged: a largely white society in suburbs and an inner city populated by
blacks, Latinos, and other disadvantaged groups. |
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6. |
In
the turbulent decade to come, the contrast between suburban affluence and the
“other
America
”
would spawn growing demands for social change that the nation’s leaders in the
1960s could not ignore. |
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7. |
With
jobs and financial resources flowing to the suburbs, urban newcomers inherited
a declining economy and a decaying environment—the “other
America
.” |
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8. |
The
War Brides Act, the Displaced Persons Act, the McCarran-Walter Act, and the
repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Act all helped to create an influx of
immigrants into American cities. |
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9. |
The
federal government welcomed Mexican labor under its Bracero Program which
began during World War II, was revived in 1951, and ended in 1964. |
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10. |
Residents of Puerto Rico had been American citizens since 1917, so they were
not subject to immigration laws; they became
America’s first group to immigrate
by air. |
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11. |
Cuban refugees were the third largest group of Spanish-speaking immigrants; the
Cuban refugee community turned
Miami
into a cosmopolitan, bilingual city almost overnight. |
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12. |
Spanish-speaking immigrants created
huge barrios in major American cities, where bilingualism flourished and the
Catholic Church shaped religious life. |
III. Gender, Sex, and
Family in the Era of Containment |
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A. |
The Baby Boom |
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1. |
The
baby boom era increased the size of American families. Two things were
noteworthy about American families after World War II. First, marriages were
remarkably stable. Not until the mid-1960s did the divorce rate begin to rise
sharply. Second, married couples were intent on having babies. After a century
and a half of decline, the birth rate shot up: more babies were born between
1948 and 1953 than were born in the previous thirty years. |
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2. |
The
baby boom had a vast impact on American society. All those babies fueled the
economy as families bought food, diapers, toys, and clothing for their
expanding broods. The nation’s educational system also got a boost. The new
middle class,
America’s
first college-educated generation, placed a high value on education. Suburban
parents approved 90 percent of proposed school bond issues during the 1950s. |
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3. |
To
keep all those baby boom children healthy and happy, middle-class parents
increasingly relied on the advice of experts. Dr. Benjamin Spock’s best-selling Baby and Child Care sold a million copies a year after its publication
in 1946. Spock urged mothers to abandon the rigid feeding and baby care
schedules of an earlier generation. |
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B. |
Women, Work, and Family |
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1. |
Parents of baby boomers were expected to adhere to rigid gender roles as a way
of maintaining the family and the social order. |
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2. |
Men
were expected to conform to an ideal that emphasized their role as responsible
breadwinners, while women were advised that their proper place was in the home. |
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3. |
Endorsing what Betty Friedan called the “feminine mystique”—the ideal that “the
highest value and the only commitment for women is the fulfillment of their own
femininity”—psychologists pronounced motherhood the only “normal” female sex
role and berated mothers who worked outside the home. |
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4. |
Many
working-class women embraced their new roles as housewives. In reality, they
were increasingly seeking work outside of the home. In 1954, married women made
up half of all women workers. By 1960, the number of mothers who worked had
increased four times. That same year, thirty percent of wives worked, and by
1970, it was 40 percent. Women’s earnings lifted families into the middle class
during the 1950s and 1960s. |
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5. |
Women justified their jobs as an extension of their family responsibilities,
enabling their families to enjoy more of the fruits of the consumer culture. |
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6. |
Working women still bore full responsibility for child care and household
management, allowing families and society to avoid facing the social implications
of women’s new roles, departing significantly from the cultural stereotypes. |
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C. |
Sex and the Middle Class |
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1. |
In many ways, the two decades between
1945 and 1965 were a period of sexual conservatism that reflected the values of
domesticity. Both men and women were expected to channel their sexual desire
strictly toward marriage. Although millions of American men read Hefner’s Playboy, few actually adopted its
fantasy lifestyle. |
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2. |
Scientific studies by Alfred Kinsey, a
zoologist at
Indiana
University, in the late
1940s and early 1950s revealed a broader range of actual sexual behaviors among
average American people. A sexual revolution had already begun to transform
American society by the early 1950s. |
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3. |
Kinsey revealed that homosexuality was
far more prevalent in American society than contemporaries assumed. The
beginnings of a politicized gay subculture emerged from the activities of the
“homophiles,” gays and lesbians who wanted to actively change homophobia in
American society. Their actions laid the groundwork for the gay rights movement
of the 1970s. |
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D. |
Youth Culture |
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1. |
The
emergence of a mass youth culture had its roots in the lengthening years of
education and the increasing purchasing power of teenagers, a process at work
since the 1920s. |
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2. |
America’s youth were eager to escape suburban conformity, and they became a
distinct new market that advertisers eagerly exploited, particularly through the
motion picture industry and successful films such as The Wild One (1951). |
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3. |
What
really defined this generation’s youth culture was its music; the rock ’n’ roll
that teens were attracted to in the 1950s was seen by white adults as an
invitation to race mixing, sexual promiscuity, and juvenile delinquency. |
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4. |
Postwar artists, musicians, and writers expressed their alienation from
mainstream society through intensely personal, introspective art forms. |
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5. |
A
similar trend developed in jazz, as black musicians originated a hard-driving
improvisational style known as “bebop.” |
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6. |
The
Beats were a group of writers and poets such as Allen Ginsberg and Jack Kerouac
who were both literary innovators and outspoken social critics of middle-class
conformity, corporate capitalism, and suburban materialism; they inspired a new
generation of rebels in the 1960s. |